Sunday, 14 February 2010

Πεθαίνοντας στην Αφθονία

Γνωρίζω πάρα πολλούς Έλληνες οι οποίοι είναι οργισμένοι με το γεγονός ότι οι πολίτες της Αμερικής σε μεγάλο ποσοστό παρουσιάζουν μια άγνοια για το τι συμβαίνει αναφορικά με την εξωτερική τους πολιτική, αναφορικά με τα ζητήματα της υπόλοιπης υδρογείου, με αποτέλεσμα να ψηφίζουν συνήθως με βάση αυστηρά τοπικιστικά και ευκαιριακά κριτήρια. Για τους περισσότερους Έλληνες αυτό κρίνεται ως ηθικά απαράδεκτο!

Είναι αλήθεια, πως οι Αμερικάνοι όταν ζουν έξω από την χώρα τους, αντιλαμβάνονται ότι οι πολίτες μακρινών χωρών (που ούτε γνώριζαν) νοιάζονται περισσότερο για την πολιτική σκηνή της Αμερικής από ότι η συντριπτική πλειοψηφία των Αμερικάνων! Σοκάρονται και συνειδητοποιούν ότι η δική τους πολιτική σκηνή επηρεάζει ουσιαστικά τις καθημερινές ζωές άλλων λαών της γης! (ίσως περισσότερο ακόμη από την όποια διαμόρφωση της δικής τους πραγματικότητας, η οποία εκ των πραγμάτων λαμβάνει χώρα μέσα σε ορισμένα, στενά, πλαίσια)

Ξέρετε τι λένε... όταν σηκώνεις το δάκτυλο να δείξεις κάποιον άλλο, άλλα τρία πάντα δείχνουν εσένα! Άραγε εμείς σαν Έλληνες διαφέρουμε τελικά τόσο πολύ από τον μέσο Αμερικάνο; Αλήθεια, εμείς διακρινόμαστε από την συμπόνοια μας για ολόκληρο τον κόσμο και δεν κάνουμε επιλογές με βάση αυστηρά εγωιστικά και ευκαιριακά κριτήρια; (ακόμη και αν αυτές υποθηκεύουν το μέλλον των ίδιων μας των παιδιών;)

Ίσως εμείς δεν έχουμε μια κυβέρνηση που να μπορεί να επηρεάζει παγκόσμιες πραγματικότητες, με το τρόπο που κάποιες άλλες είναι ικανές, αλλά σίγουρα κι εμείς σαν πολίτες με τον τρόπο που ζούμε την καθημερινή μας ζωή και ασκούμε τις προσωπικές μας επιλογές, διαμορφώνουμε τις ζωές των ανθρώπων σε κάποια άλλη πλευρά του πλανήτη! Από τα ματωμένα διαμάντια και τα ξεβαμμένα τζιν, μέχρι τον φτηνό καφέ και τα δημητριακά του πρωινού μας, δημιουργούμε ζήτηση για την συντήρηση ενός συστήματος όπου το κέρδος μετράει περισσότερο από ανθρώπινες ζωές... Μιλάμε για παιδιά-στρατιώτες, για παιδική εργασία, για ανθρώπους που δουλεύουν με ένα ημερομίσθιο αντίστοιχο της αξίας του κυπέλλου μιας χρήσης που εμείς πετάμε και για τους αγρότες οι οποίοι παράγουν το μεγαλύτερο μέρος της βασικής τροφής μας, οι οποίοι ειρωνικά πεθαίνουν της πείνας.

Την επόμενη φορά που θα παραπονεθούμε για τα περίφημα 700ευρώ το μήνα, ας θυμηθούμε ότι οι Βαλκάνιοι γείτονες μας, μόλις έξω από την πόρτα μας, ζούνε με 200 ευρώ το μήνα και ας μη μιλήσω για την Τουρκία...! Αλήθεια με ποιο σύστημα ηθικής μπορούμε να δικαιολογήσουμε ένα κόστος ζωής υπερπολλαπλάσιο αυτού της συντριπτικής πλειοψηφίας του πληθυσμού της γης; Αλήθεια με μια λογική εμείς μπορούμε να εγείρουμε αξιώσεις για δικαίωμα σε άπειρες ανέσεις και υλικά αγαθά, όταν η συντριπτική πλειοψηφία του πλανήτη υποσιτίζεται;

Και θα μου πείτε άραγε εγώ τι σχέση έχω με αυτόν που πεινάει στην άλλη άκρη της γης; Η Γη έχει αρκετές πηγές για να θρέψει τον πληθυσμό της... Η Γη όμως δεν έχει αρκετές πηγές για να ικανοποιήσει την λαιμαργία του καθένα μας! Ο δικός μου σύγχρονος τρόπος ζωής, κοστίζει όσο η συντήρηση μερικών δεκάδων οικογενειών σε κάποια άλλη πλευρά του κόσμου μας! Το σύστημα το οποίο με κρατάει ταϊσμένο και αφθονία φθηνών αγαθών, είναι το ίδιο σύστημα, το οποίο κρατάει όλους αυτούς τους υπόλοιπους εξαθλιωμένους και υποσιτισμένους...

Βλέπετε, αν κι εκείνοι ήταν σε θέση να γνωρίζουν τα στοιχειώδη της παγκόσμιας οικονομίας, θα ήταν εξίσου εξοργισμένοι με την άγνοια και εγκληματική αδιαφορία μας, η οποία επηρεάζει καθορίστηκα τις ζωές τους... (όχι απλά σε επίπεδο άνεσης/σφιξίματος ζώνης, αλλά ζωής/θανάτου) Θα ήταν τόσο οργισμένοι μαζί μας, όσο πολλοί από τους Έλληνες είναι με την απάθεια "άλλων" ευπορότερων λαών...!

Για όνομα του Θεού λοιπόν, ως ελάχιστη ανταπόκριση, ΑΣ ΖΗΣΟΥΜΕ ΑΠΛΑ, ΩΣΤΕ ΑΛΛΟΙ ΑΠΛΑ ΝΑ ΖΗΣΟΥΝ !!!

Monday, 2 November 2009

Γιατί μια εκκλησία διοργανώνει συναυλίες;


Η τέχνη μέσα στην εκκλησία δεν είναι ούτε αυτοσκοπός, ούτε πρόσχημα. Τότε λοιπόν γιατί μια εκκλησία να ασχολείται με την τέχνη; Θα μπορούσαμε να αναφερθούμε σε αρκετούς λόγους. Θα σταθούμε σε έναν. Πιστεύουμε πως η ομορφιά της τέχνης είναι μια μαρτυρία για την ύπαρξη του Θεού. Διάβαζα μια κριτική ενός μουσικοκριτικού πριν καιρό ο οποίος έγραφε τα εξής: "το έργο αυτό σου άφηνε μια αίσθηση ενός αδιευκρίνιστου αλλά ταυτόχρονα και αναπόδραστου νοήματος".


Αν και δεν μπορείς να εξηγήσεις το πώς και το γιατί η καλή τέχνη, η ομορφιά σου δίνει την πεποίθηση ότι η ζωή δεν είναι μια ιστορία που την αφηγείται ένας ανόητος, γεμάτη θόρυβο και φασαρία, που δεν σημαίνει τίποτε» όπως λέει ο Μάκβεθ στο ομώνυμο έργο του Σαίξπηρ (πράξη 5, σκηνή 5).

Γράφει ο Λέονταρντ Μπερστάιν για την μουσική του Μπετόβεν,
«Ο Μπετόβεν… κατέθεσε κομμάτια που χαρακτηρίζονται από μία ορθότητα που σου κόβει την ανάσα. Ορθότητα, αυτή είναι η λέξη! Όταν έχεις την αίσθηση πως η νότα που ακολουθεί την προηγούμενη είναι η μόνη πιθανή που θα μπορούσε να μπει εκείνη τη στιγμή, σε εκείνο το πλαίσιο τότε το πιο πιθανό είναι να ακούς Μπετόβεν. Μελωδίες, ρυθμοί – άστα αυτά στους Τσαϊκόφσκυ και στους Ραβέλ. Το αγόρι μας είναι όλα τα λεφτά, έχει το πράγμα που έρχεται από τον Ουρανό, τη δύναμη που μπορεί να σε κάνει να νιώσεις στο τέλος ότι «Κάτι σωστό υπάρχει στον κόσμο. Υπάρχει κάτι που ισχύει, κάτι που ακολουθεί τους νόμους του με συνέπεια, κάτι που μπορείς να εμπιστευτείς πως δεν θα σε απογοητεύσει»
Και είναι αυτό το κάτι που ο Γκαίτε το ονομάζει ως «ευλογημένη νοσταλγία».
Νιώθουμε πως κάτι υπάρχει αλλά το χάσαμε.

Για αυτό μας αρέσει η τέχνη. Επειδή ανάβει τη δίψα μας. Κεντρίζει την νοσταλγία μας. Μας βγάζει από την ρουτίνα του εφήμερου ώστ να θυμηθούμε πώς θα πρέπει να υπάρχει κάτι παραπέρα, κάτι βαθύτερα.
Η τέχνη θέτει την ερώτηση δεν την απαντά.
Η ομορφιά ανάβει τη δίψα δεν την σβήνει.
Πιστεύουμε ότι αυτός που μπορεί να σβήσει είναι Αυτός για τον οποίο μιλά, Αυτός τον οποίο αντανακλά κάθε τι το όμορφο.
Αυτός που έπλασε κάθε ηλιοβασίλεμα. Αυτός που συνέθεσε κάθε ήχο.


Sunday, 25 October 2009

A Voice to the Voiceless

A couple of months ago, I was introduced to a great book by my friend Dr. Gerald Bray, which is about the state of various minorities in Greece (Minorities in Greece: Aspects of a Plural Society [Edited by Rochard Clogg; London: Hurst & Company, 2002]). It is edited by Richard Clogg, a fellow of St. Antony’s College in Oxford, who has collected a number of essays by renowned scholars on people groups such as Old Calendarists, Catholics, Evangelicals, Jews, Muslims (Turks, Pomaks and Gypsies), Armenians, Vlachs, Slavs and Sarakatsani.

The aim of the book is to disperse the rosy picture often presented by Greeks about the Greek attitudes towards these minorities and expose the big elephant in the room: “Orthodox Christianity and the Greek language have been deemed to be the key determinants of Greek identity.” My personal aim is to popularize such significant works which give a voice to the voiceless in the hope that minorities will be empowered and encouraged that “somebody notices”, even if that somebody does not include their own countrymen. Moreover, no one will seek treatment if attention is not drawn to a disease.

Article 3 of the 1975 Constitution declares the dominant religion in Greece to be the ‘Eastern Orthodox Church of Christ, recognizing as its head Our Lord Jesus Christ’. Article 13 guarantees freedom of religious belief and practice in respect of all known religions but proselytism is proscribed (p. ix). However, the issue of minorities in Greece indicates that national integration is failing and needs to be addressed. Nikiforos Diamandouros, a leading analyst of Greek political culture wrote:
The virtual identification of hellenicity with Orthodoxy, on the other hand, has made it very difficult for such religious minorities as the Roman Catholics, the Protestants, the Jews and the Muslims to become fully integrated into the dominant Greek culture. Even today, when the traumatic experiences associated with the irredentist struggles of the turn of the century and of the civil war years are fading, these groups remain, for the vast majority of the ethnically homogeneous Greek population, at worst unknown and at best obscure and alien entities. (p. ix-x)

My focus is the Evangelical Greek community on which John O. Iatrides has given a well-rounded treatment in his article included in the book. A community which comprises less than 3 percent of Greece’s population will naturally be of no concern to the majority. “Although the Protestants of Greece are not the primary target of intolerance, they nevertheless feel its effects, at least in part because of wide-spread ignorance and confusion concerning their identity and beliefs.” (p. 48)

Iatrides deals with the older history of intolerance towards Evangelicals, as well as the new, but I will try to present some of his research on the most recent years. It appears that heightened intolerance in recent years finds its roots in a campaign launched in the beginning of the 80’s:
On 23 September 1983 the Archbishop of Athens and all Greece launched a new ‘anti-heresy’ campaign’ with a circular addressed to all Orthodox parishes and to the country’s armed forces, warning them of ‘provocative proselytizing activity by agents of multinational and Protestant organizations, societies and Eastern religions’. Naming first the Jehovah’s Witnesses, the circular included among the ‘heresies of protestant origin’ the following: ‘Adventists, Baptists, Methodists, Pentecostals, Free Evangelical Churches, Presbyterians, etc.’ (p. 48-49)
The list of heresies is long, including groups associated with magic, parapsychology and Hare Krishna, all lumped together as equally threatening to the fabric of the Greek society. With the stroke of his pen the head of the Greek Orthodox Church could invalidate the Protestant Reformation, and disseminate this attitude through his circulars to every clergy and civil servant. An example of its effects is when in July 1984 the Metropolitan of Kavala demanded that the police stopped the musical performance titled “Freedom and Joy” of the Greek Missionary Union with charges of “intense proselytization against Greek society.” (p. 48)

The European Union has not been a silent observer, as Iatrides notes:
Resolutions of the European Parliament and decisions of the European Court (concerning the treatment of Jehovah’s Witnesses) have already put Greece on notice that its performance on the issue of religious freedom does not measure up to the community’s standards. (p. 50)
The practical effect of these European Court rulings on the Greek system is as yet uncertain, but what is certain is that the problem is symptomatic of a confused national identity and patriotism. Iatrides raises the inevitable questions:
Who decides what defines Greekness, and by what criteria? Can a non-Orthodox citizen of Greece, who feels and conducts himself as a Greek, expect to be treated as a full-fledged Greek by the authorities of his own country?
The reformed faith of Greek evangelicals clashes with the “historical and prevailing concept of Greekness, which defines ethnic identity in terms of the Orthodox Church.” (p. 55) This attitude is reflected in the statement of Stelios Papathemelis, subsequently Minister of Public Order, who in 1992 characterized the work of TV evangelists as ‘anti-Orthodox and therefore anti-Greek propaganda’. (p. 55)

Iatrides records numerous incidents of religious intolerance and legal action against Evangelicals, which I could not report for lack of space, but what emerges from the survey is how prominent Greek Evangelicals have been outstanding Greek patriots and served the interests of Greece, but their Greekness was nevertheless repeatedly questioned due to their religious beliefs.

It is hard to know numbers regarding this religious minority:
A December 1992 Athens press account on religious groups reported 12,000-15,000 ‘Protestants’ (named as the third officially recognized Christian dogma), of whom the main group was said to be the Greek Evangelical Church with 5000, including children. The rest were presumably Protestants of other denominations, including Pentecostals, with the more conservative of whom the Evangelicals maintain polite if distant contact. (p. 56)
More statistics became available in 1994 by the authors of Greece: religious intolerance and discrimination, published by the Brussels-based organization Human Rights Without Frontiers. They gave the figure of 16,000-18,000 Protestants, making no attempt to distinguish between Evangelicals and Pentecostals (p. 56). In essence, the Greek Evangelical Churches are independent, self-sustaining and self-governing entities. They are not branches of foreign Protestant Churches. They espouse the Nicene Creed (325 AD), celebrate two sacraments (Baptism and Holy Communion), they accept as authentic Gospel only the scriptures of the Old Testament (39 Books) and the New Testament (27 Books) and do not regard ‘Tradition’ as divinely inspired and having the same authority as the Books of the Bible. Moreover, Iatrides notes that:
Since the 1980’s growing attention has been paid to social problems and modest programs have been started in the large cities for alcoholics and drug addicts. The Church in Kerkyra has recently combined relief work with religious activity in post-communist Albania.
Many more social undertakings could be added to Iatrides’ list, which testify to how Greek Evangelicals have been very active agents in benefitting Greek society, only to reap the charges of proselytism in the face of Orthodox insecurities.

An important detail in the 1975 Constitution is that the prohibition of ‘proselytism’ protects “the individual right of freedom of religious conscience against attempts at conversion by what the penal code labels ‘false means’.” (p. 58) Iatrides says that,
this change implies that the banning of proselytism is directed at all religions and thus is fair and impartial. However, since the meaning of ‘false means’ is not specified by law, it is left to courts to decide what in fact constitutes proselytization. (p. 58-59)
One need only look at what the Greek courts have declared to be ‘false means’ to realize the absurdity in the system: “the mailing of books, the ‘skillful interpretation’ of the Gospel, and the disparity in the level of education between the person preaching and the one being preached to.” (p. 59)

Greece is already far from the lines set out by the European Union. Iatrides suggests that,
if it genuinely supports the content and implications of the Maastricht accords, Greece will have to bring itself into line with its partners on a variety of issues, including freedom of religion. It will have to cultivate a pluralistic society in all respects, including matters of religious faith, and turn the myth of the separation of Church and state into reality. (p. 61)

Two things that must be done, according to Iatrides, are:
(a) the constitutional prohibition of proselytism must be annulled, making it impossible for the courts to serve as the tools of the dominant Church. The religious freedom which the Orthodox Church enjoys in the western world must be extended by them to religious minorities in their own country. It is ironic when Orthodox prelates declare that their “task in North America is not limited to serving the immigrant and ethnic communities, but has as its very heart the missionary task of making disciples in the nations of Canada and the United States.”
(b) the nation’s educational curriculum will have to incorporate the simple lesson that although the overwhelming majority of Greeks are Orthodox, one need not be Orthodox to be a good Greek. (p. 61-62)

To Iatrides’ suggestions I would like to add the role of the Greek media, which should also avoid serving as tools of the dominant religion but be impartial, as they claim to be, in presenting the issue of minorities, their wishes and demands. Silence on the issue of minorities and failure to represent them publicly because of their “size” constitutes partiality and is interpreted as “siding” with the majority religion.

My call to Christians, and especially Evangelicals, is that we start supporting the cause of minorities other than ourselves. Let us begin by leading the way in understanding the difficulties of various minorities in Greece and helping them to be respected and heard. I call the Orthodox to defend the rights of religious minorities, and I call each minority to defend the rights of minorities which are worse off than themselves.

Tuesday, 4 August 2009

The Dourian Horse

Today’s article by Maria Antoniadou, (http://www.tovima.gr/default.asp?pid=2&ct=1&artId=281708&dt=04/08/2009) reveals the main concerns of the Orthodox community with regard to the aspirations of the Greek Bible Institute to become an accredited college in its own country. The thrust of the article is centered on the paragraph which “comforts” the Orthodox community that the current monopoly of Religious Education taught by Orthodox is secure. Various reactions to the article reveal that this IS the main concern of the Orthodox community and the general reaction is, “who will believe them?”
The admission of the Greek Bible Institute into the academic community is the Dourian Horse, and these graduates will eventually come out and take over our land!
I do not take these insecurities lightly and I do not think that the job of the Greek Bible Institute is to get into the game of trying to “convince”. The disbelief reveals the roots of deeper problems which we should all peacefully engage. Of course it is natural for the question to arise: What will happen if an Orthodox theologian and a Protestant theologian are equally qualified for the same job? This is eventually a political matter. The only way to control who is hired is by maintaining a legislation on who teaches and what is taught, a legislation which (I hate to break some bubbles here) is becoming obsolete. No one denies that it is very hard work to reorganize the educational system to accommodate differing confessions. However, many countries have done that already and are leading the way for others (see Finnish model [http://www.ortoweb.fi/tartokallioniemi.htm]).
But the problem is even deeper than that. This is a matter of national identity. A new day is dawning on Greek lands, where Greeks are disturbed from their slumber and realize that national identity will need to be redefined around something else! We can no longer fool ourselves that Greek equals Orthodox. We are keeping guard at the wrong national borders. Of course, the Greek Bible Institute has no such claims on Religious Education in secondary schools, but the reactions to such a remote possibility alert us to the need for reconsidering many issues concerning education and religion.
The old dictum is especially relevant these days: “I do not agree with what you say but I will fight for your right to say it!”

Saturday, 1 August 2009

The Pikermian Preachers

It is always fascinating to study how certain groups are presented by the media. After the brilliant work on the subject by Philemon Pantimaroudes in analysing how Evangelicals have been portrayed in the Greek media, I feel I am merely scratching the surface with these brief comments I spontaneously put into writing.

But one could not simply sit back and not react to the amusing, to say the least, descriptions in the recent article on the Athenian paper called Το Βήμα (http://www.tovima.gr/default.asp?pid=2&artid=281073&ct=32&dt=31%2F07%2F2009) concerning the accreditation of private colleges in Greece.

The article begins by saying that the colleges seeking accreditation can be summed up in the following categories: The “British”, the “Americans”, the “independents” and the “. . . preachers of Pikermi”. This last group sounds to me like “the mantic prophets of that village” or “the mystics of the north”. My purpose is not to find companions to entertainment in journalism, but to look at this portrayal of the Greek Bible Institute (the Pikermian Preachers) from a literary critical perspective.

First, one notices the labels at work here. It is true that these colleges are co-operating with British or American institutions, but this labelling is an effective technique of “dehellenization”. The first two groups seem clearly “alien”, the third one is harder to pin down but still refusing to belong to a familiar category, and the fourth one is a “special case”. While the first three are “dehellenized” their definition remains neutral as to their academic or educational goals. No step is taken towards demarcating their educational aims. In the case of the fourth, the journalist has not only “dehellenized” but has taken a step further in defining exactly who these people are.

Second, while the official name of the Greek Bible Institute is mentioned later in the article, the title creates the mood through which the rest of the article will be read. The technique of “renaming” allows the author to define the object himself, to rob it of its own formal hypostasis that it claims for itself, and give it a new one. Despite the fact that these colleges are made up of mostly Greek students and faculty, the labels provided are extremely effective in alienating these objects. These are not members of our community who are asking for recognition. These are not our fellow Greeks who are simply of a different opinion or way of doing things, these are the invading “Other” who dares to demand to rise to our level.

Third, in studying satire, one will find that some of its main elements is that of “caricaturing”. A caricature (according to the authority, namely Wikipedia) is “a portrait that exaggerates or distorts the essence of a person or thing to create an easily identifiable visual likeness.” The narrowing down of the GrBI to “the preachers of Pikermi” has created this easily identifiable picture of a far more complex entity. In literature, “a caricature is a description of a person using exaggeration of some characteristics and oversimplification of others,” and in the case of the GrBI, the spotlights have dropped on the religious aspect; the “alien” religious aspect. “Preachers” is surely an alien religious term in Greece (as opposed to the “priests” of the Orthodox church), and while a reference to “theological students” would have sufficed, the term “preachers” is wittily employed instead. Of course, this is also a major element in satire: being witty enough to “belittle” in a very discreet manner, yet successfully exposing the flaw of your target and showing to your audience how your object falls below the expected and “shared” standards.

So, am I exaggerating too? Am I over-reading into innocent terms? Perhaps. However, some exaggerations aspire to bring a certain equilibrium, whereas other exaggerated writings exist to maintain the “imbalanced” status quo. Let the reader be the judge.

Monday, 30 March 2009

History's lessons for Greek theological education

Recently I was reading about the University of Halki. This is an Orthodox University on the island of Halki which was shut down by the Turkish government. Its history can be found in the following website, http://www.greece.org/themis/halki2/hisHalk.html, where one can read that: “In 1971, the island of Halki was closed by a Turkish law that forbids private universities from functioning.” (Sounds familiar?)
I am sure that Halki was not the only university shut down by the Turkish authorities, however, what is especially significant about this university is that it represents a religious minority in Turkey and symbolizes the basic human right of religious freedom. This very fact has moved many international organizations in support of its reopening: the US Congress, the EU, etc.
Now, one may more-or-less expect such foul treatment towards Christian institutions in Muslim territories, or from one ethnicity towards another. Nobody, however, would expect Greek Christian Theological schools to be shut down in a Greek Christian country, even if such an action comes in a “legal” dress or indirectly. One should, therefore, be alert to the developments of the treatment of the Greek authorities towards the Greek private institutions and watch closely to see how much Greece has learned from the history of Halki. Are we demonstrating a superior attitude to what Halki has experienced by Turkey or are we ruthlessly out to close “legally” all the Halkis in our own country?
When an institution is the primary place of learning and education for the ministers of a particular religious community, every effort should be made by the local authorities to safeguard its existence and continuing service to the community. This is underlined in the press release for Halki: “The Theological School of Halki was created as the primary place of learning and education for the Orthodox priesthood of all denominations. Its closure constitutes a breach of Article 40 of the Lausanne Treaty and Article 24 of the Turkish Constitution which both guarantee religious freedom and education. Their provisions are also embodied in Article 9 of the European Convention of Human Rights and therefore the closure of the Halki Seminary can only be viewed as an illegal abuse of human rights and a violation of democracy and international law.
I fully support the reopening of Halki while, at the same time, I advocate that we learn history’s lessons and take all precautions against repeating it.

Sunday, 1 March 2009

Defining Evangelism . . .

In a democratic society like Greece, the co-existence of differing religious groups is crucial. Religious freedom is a long established human right. However, it should be examined under the local light of the peculiar pre-dominantly Orthodox Greek society.

Evangelism can be easily misunderstood by people to mean proselytism, and its post-modern face appears to be that of an arrogant colonizer who is a threat to the indigenous traditions of a certain community. This definition of evangelism, however, should not be allowed to “colonize” other ways of defining it, but should be brought into the light and examined more thoroughly, so that its flaws may be exposed. The 3 following fallacies should be pointed out:

1. Such a negative understanding of evangelism ignores the value of the free communication of conversion opportunities to the members of a community. It is identical to the obstruction of healthy competitiveness for the sake of feeding a monopolistic beast.

2. This negative definition of evangelism discriminates against small religions which rely upon adult converts, rather than traditional adherents, to expand. Again, this is identical to a first-come-first-served monopolistic mentality. Every religion should get a “fair” hearing regardless of size or “time of residence”.

3. Defining evangelism in this way is dangerously paternalistic. The State or the State church may be abusing its ability to decide FOR their own members thus denying them their basic right of individual autonomy.

I do not pretend to be treating an easy topic here, but I would go ahead and throw a suggestion out, always open to criticism and refutation. Instead of Tom trying to crash Jerry, and Jerry sneaking around Tom, an ideal situation would be for the majority church to allow its members some exposure to the existence of other beliefs. This can happen in an environment of trust and co-operation where a representative of each minority church is invited to present their views openly, answer questions and give their testimony. I have been loyal to a travel agency for years, until one day they presented me with all the possible options I should consider for my benefit. They took the risk of losing me as their customer by disclosing their competitors’ lower and sometimes higher prices. The choice was mine to make.

Maybe it is time to learn from our common ancestors and bring back a βήμα in Athens.

[see more, Peter W. Edge LLB, PhD (Cantab), The Missionary's Position After Kokkinakis v Greece].